They were statesmen, patriots and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will unite with you to honor their memory. h�bbd``b`�� �Hp& � �cn� � �� "���[ %�A��@�!H�4�L���@bu#H���r�?c�'� � ? And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation whose crimes, towering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrevocable ruin! What point in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? To his opponents who believe that the Constitution permits slavery, Douglass offers the writings of Spooner, Goodell, Sewall, and Smith — four abolitionists whose essays "clearly vindicate the Constitution from any design to support slavery." To forget them, to pass lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the popular theme, would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and would make me a reproach before God and the world. Douglass thereby sets up an argument for the freeing of slaves. Douglass praises and respects the signers of the Declaration of Independence, people who put the interests of a country above their own. Douglass then asks a rhetorical question: "Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us [blacks]?" Nations, particularly Western countries, in the mid-nineteenth century were generally against slavery. Throughout this speech, as well as his life, Douglass advocated equal justice and rights, as well as citizenship, for blacks. eHezi 10:30pm • July 4, 2020 Archives 5 Comments. When from their galling chains set free, Th' oppress'd shall vilely bend the knee, And wear the yoke of tyranny Like brutes no more. He had been invited to speak about what the Fourth of July means for America's black population, and while the first part of his speech praises what the founding fathers did for this country, his speech soon develops into a condemnation of the attitude of American society toward slavery. Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which is outraged, in the name of liberty which is fettered, in the name of the constitution and the Bible which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery Ñ the great sin and shame of America! Africa must rise and put on her yet unwoven garment. At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. Yea! In 1852, however, with hindsight, to say "that America was right, and England wrong is exceedingly easy." How can we sing the Lord's song in a strange land? The arm of commerce has borne away the gates of the strong city. He condemns America for being untrue to its founding principles, its past, and its present. He reminds the audience that, in 1776, many people thought it was subversive and dangerous to revolt against British tyranny. What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? we wept when we remembered Zion. h�b```b``e`a`����π ���@q�P�>5N�����63O��ᾠ�a��F+����nQ� ����AG��!�g�6t.�@��"5� -�B`m���IL_�N��UJvXpd���52~�8_$������ H3�~n�&cb#D���5c.A�,��4k��a`,|f�0 ��:| Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and delightful. Walled cities and empires have become unfashionable. That year will come, and freedom's reign, To man his plundered rights again Restore. Space is comparatively annihilated. — Thoughts expressed on one side of the Atlantic are distinctly heard on the other. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak today? bookmarked pages associated with this title. But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? Douglass condemns the profits made from the slave trade, and, once again, he compares the treatment of slaves to that of animals. Indeed, he says, to ask a black person to celebrate the white man's freedom from oppression and tyranny is "inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony." When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then will I argue with you that the slave is a man! If I forget thee, 0 Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. Next, Douglass condemns the American churches and ministers (excluding, of course, abolitionist religious movements such as Garrison's) for not speaking out against slavery. He considers such a pro-slavery posture to be blasphemy because it gives cruelty a place in God's nature. Instead, he urges his listeners to continue the work of those great revolutionaries who brought freedom and democracy to this land. Standing there identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July! out her hand unto God." Knowledge was then confined and enjoyed by the privileged few, and the multitude walked on in mental darkness. endstream endobj startxref Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. He argues that no longer can the cruelties of American slavery be hidden from the rest of the world. But such is not the state of the case. There are seventy-two crimes in the State of Virginia which, if committed by a black man (no matter how ignorant he be), subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy — a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages.There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour. If I do forget, if I do not faithfully remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, "may my right hand forget her cunning, and may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!". Douglass recalls that when he was a child, the cries of chained slaves passing his house on route to the docks in the middle of the night had a chilling, unsettling effect on him. We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. No! Related Information | . To the slave, Douglass tells the audience, "your 4th of July is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license [for enslaving blacks] . I am not that man. By "sacrilegious," he means the evil defilement of sacred American ideals — democracy, freedom, and equal rights. He mentions that in Baltimore, slave traders transported slaves in chains to ships in the dead of night because anti-slavery activism had made the public aware of the cruelty of that trade. You may rejoice, I must mourn. The audience must fulfill what the founders of the country advocated. He tells the audience that he supports the actions of these revolutionaries. Frederick Douglass: “The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro” From PBS.com and Scholar-Griot Dr. Fran Kaplan On July 5, 1852, abolitionist and ex-slave Frederick Douglass gave a speech at an event commemorating the signing of the Declaration of Independence, held … To do so, would be to make myself ridiculous, and to offer an insult to your understanding. Long established customs of hurtful character could formerly fence themselves in, and do their evil work with social impunity. Douglass argues that the church is "superlatively guilty" — superlative, meaning even more guilty — because it is an institution which has the power to eradicate slavery by condemning it. The far off and almost fabulous Pacific rolls in grandeur at our feet. For who is there so cold, that a nation's sympathy could not warm him? Douglass moved to Rochester in 1847, when he became the publisher of The North Star, an abolitionist weekly. Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? How should I look today, in the presence of Amercans, dividing, and subdividing a discourse, to show that men have a natural right to freedom? He concedes, however, that the main purpose of his speech is not to give praise and thanks to these men, for he says that the deeds of those patriots are well known. It is often studied in literature classes today. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. . They were great men, too — great enough to give frame to a great age. A speech given at Rochester, New York, July 5, 1852. Declaration House | Trade and commerce have opened up borders, and political ideas know no boundaries. There were approximately 500 attendees who heard him speak, each paying twelve and a half cents. That point is conceded already. As for those who maintain that slavery is part of a divine plan, Douglass argues that something which is inhuman cannot be considered divine. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men. What, then, remains to be argued? I can today take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people! God speed the day when human blood Shall cease to flow! For him, while it professes freedom, it does not give all people that right. Would you argue more, an denounce less; would you persuade more, and rebuke less; your cause would be much more likely to succeed." They that can, may; I cannot. My subject, then, fellow-citizens, is American slavery. I am not included within the pale of glorious anniversary! Douglass returns to his theme of American democracy and freedom.
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